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That said, the United States should be wary of allowing a single state to use its economic advantages to create excessive power or benefits for its own citizens at the expense of the citizens of allied countries, as it did in the era of colonialism and Cold War geopolitics. More generally, however, the proposed Chinese strategy also seems counterproductive, subordinating the interests of key emerging democracies to an inexorable growth imperative. The usual worry about strategic cooperation in the absence of shared values is correct: intractable conflicts between liberal democracy and autocracy can arise when the two share common interests at cross-purposes. Democracies, for example, often have trouble treating other nations as strategic partners. Indeed, they often find themselves having to hold their allies back lest they see themselves as too important and the resulting alliances as too expensive.

A good example comes from his treatment of Beijing as a foreign policy actor. He reports that in a number of encounters between the United States and China, CCP officials suggested, in exchange for U.S. concessions, that Washington reject its current strict opposition to Chinese military expansion in the South China Sea. Friedberg comments that the people who thought the CCP was inclined to make such an offer were clearly wrong. But the offer that he refers to was never made. If it had, the United States would surely have rejected it. 3d9ccd7d82